By Leonard Nyangoma CNDD Chairman
1.General background.
1.1 Presentation of Burundi. Brief reminder underpinning the enticement of neocolonial powers towards Burundi
Burundi is a country spanning the central and eastern parts of the African continent. It is located in the east of the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC), in the south of Rwanda and in the West of Tanzania. It is a member of the East African Community (EAC), the La Communauté Economique des Pays des Grands Lacs (CEPGL) and the CEAC. Burundi has a surface area of 27,834 square kilometers, and a population estimated at 11 million. Like Rwanda, this tiny country is of an important geo-strategic interest for the imperialistic powers.
This position helps them to control minerals and the other natural resources that the great lakes are crammed with. The colonization of Burundi started at the end of the 19th century by Germany at the end of World War. After their loss, Germans were compelled to give away Burundi and Rwanda colonies that were from then on transferred to Belgium tutorship. As a strategic approach to maintain themselves in power, these colonial powers introduced divisions and hatred based on ethnicity. This ethnic viral gangrene had never existed before the colonial period in Burundi.
1.2. Brief overview of social relations in Burundi before colonization
Precolonial Burundi was a monarchy characterized by a mode of production with feudal features. The king was the almighty owner of the land and cattle and had the right of life and death over his subjects. The country was populated as today by four social groups who lived together in harmony, speaking the same language and sharing the same culture: the Baganwa, the Batutsi, the Bahutu, and the Batwa. The Bahutu and the Batutsi groups were the most numerous. Identity traits attributed to Ganwa, Tutsi, Hutu and Twa do not correspond at all to a linguistic, cultural or geographical differentiation. While they always spoke the same language and shared cultural and spiritual values, those social groups were only distinguished by the social internal relations.
Indeed, the social component of wealthy owners of cattle and vast land (means of production) and kraal delegates were identified as Tutsis while the social component exclusively involved in the labor and production industry (producers) was identified as Hutu. Both components had an outstanding economic influence at the kraal. The social relations were of the feudal type based on the tradition-based contract of "ubugabire" and "ubugererwa". This was a system of dual clientelism based on the ownership of cattle and the land. At the highest level of the social pyramid was the class of the nobles or the Baganwa social group as a ruling class mostly encompassing descendants of the king. Tutsi and Hutu were respectively the upper and lower middle social classes while the Batwa were the group at the bottom of the ladder and the lumpen proletariat. Like any class society, the Burundian society was characterized by upward and downward social mobility.
The king as the owner of the land and cattle, often demoted brilliant chiefs to install those of his reign. Interestingly, a Hutu who acquired a considerable amount of means of production (land and cattle), could obtain the status of Tutsi and thus join the upper class of the nobles. But in general, grassroots population of Hutu, Tutsi and all the Batwa shared the similar life conditions and indistinctly underwent the multifaceted exploitation of the ruling class.
1.3. The Transformation of Social Groups into ethnic Groups
Colonists deliberately decided to favor the Tutsi social class and the ruling class of the Baganwa and completely excluded Hutus and Batwa from education, administration and decision-making, thus contributing to triggering Tutsi superiority and Hutu inferiority complex respectively. The colonial system also purposely initiated and exacerbated antagonisms and hatred between these two main social groups by identifying them with ethnic labels. In reality and scientifically speaking, Burundi has only one ethnic group, the Rundi ethnic group.
We have previously seen that the four social groups were social classes, they spoke the same language, Kirundi, practiced the same religion before colonization and shared the same culture, lived intertwined on the same hills. The ethnic cleavage that plunged Burundi in cyclical tragic wars that took more than 600,000 lives since the proclamation of independence has its roots in the colonial system, with its classical imperialistic logic of “divide and rule”.
Unfortunately, the propaganda and the analysis by influential Western media restore Burundian and Rwandan dramas as massacres of one ethnic group by another. The causes of the wars would be ancestral hatred and not economic or geostrategic interests. Controlling Burundi and Rwanda to keep control of Congolese strategic minerals is the real issue of the civil wars that ravaged these two small countries after independence. During the colonial period, Burundi was gradually integrated into the mode of capitalist production system.
1.4. Burundi independent
Burundi has been independent since 1962 and after the assassination in October 1961 of the Prince Louis Rwagasore, a progressive man and the hero of independence, it has known governments that were led by comprador elites who accumulated wealth through corruption and plundering the natural resources of their countries. The immaturity of Burundian elites as well as the manipulation of socio ethnic sensitivity by some powers created loopholes that have since the day after independence created conditions that brew ethnic political massacres in Burundi.
In 1993 the democratically elected first president Melchior Ndadaye of the FRODEBU party was assassinated by the army as well as many of his collaborators in an attempt of a putsch which prompted popular resistance and the disapproval of the public opinion. The putschists faked surrendering power but hindered FRODEBU party’s ability to govern. Comrade Leonard Nyangoma, in charge of popular education of propaganda and the mobilization for the party who also doubled up as the minister of labor and refugee repatriation in Ndadaye‘s government, created in 1994 the National Council for the Defense of Democracy (CNDD) with its armed wing the Forces for the defense of Democracy (FDD).
Despite multiple sabotages, the CNDD was able to force the government to adhere to Arusha peace talks. The negotiations and the signature of Arusha Peace Agreement allowed for narrowing the gap between the main social groups (Hutu and Tutsi) and shift from their ethnic conscience to social class conscience of the Burundian society. Unfortunately, the arrival of Nkurunziza Pierre and his militaristic party the CNDD-FDD (a split from CNDD) in 2005 on power did not permit Burundi people to benefit from that reconciliation viewed in the socio-economic dialectic.
At certain levels, the situation has even worsened. The oligarchy in power which governs the country has now initiated another extremely dangerous strategy. It has reached the stage of engaging and keeping the population in dormancy through an obscurantist political speeches and practices and the president of the republic is the one who always sets the tone. He spent the three quarters of his time in prayers and evangelizing a starving population that is also 58 percent illiterate. This oligarchy controls the total political and economic power and uses those means to maintain the status quo of the exploitation and regression of the majority of Burundi citizens. Burundi experienced since independence in 1962 to date, several periods of intense political and armed conflicts and many of them count among the deadliest in the recent history of humanity.
Under the auspices of the International community, the warring parties in Burundi since 1996 engaged in several political and military talks that culminated in the signing of several agreements and military policies. The most important are: *The Arusha Peace and Reconciliation Agreement in Burundi, signed on August 28th 2000; *The Global Cease-Fire Agreement between the Transitional Government and CNDD-FDD, signed on November 16th 2003; *The Global Cease-Fire Agreement between the Government and the FNL signed on September 7th 2006. These various peace agreements bear many principles which are broadly incorporated in the current constitution of Burundi. They have also provided guidance for the key policy upon which the nation of Burundi would rely upon to eradicate conflicts to start the era of democratic governance, peace for all, national reconciliation, and integrated development of the country.
The period from the year 2002 to 2005 corresponded with a transitional period and early implementation of peace accords principles. It was during that period that the Transitional Government, which included political parties, negotiated and signed the cease-fire with the CNDD-FDD (a party created by imperialist forces to destabilize the original CNDD created by Leonard Nyangoma) and organized the latter to make integration in the Institutions. It was during the same period that the current constitution was drafted and submitted to popular referendum. This period was concluded by the organization of general elections in 2005 that led to the establishment of new institutions.
2.The socio-political situation since the 2005 to date.
2.1. The political situation
During his regime, and despite the pressure from an active democratic opposition, the late president Nkurunziza Pierre and his CNDD-FDD party oversaw massive violations of citizens ‘fundamental rights, and relentless violation of the constitution, denounced by the national and international community. The citizens became enslaved by a regime whose principal characteristics included: Permanent and systematic massacres of civilian populations; Politically driven eliminations carried out on a scale of crimes against humanity; Institutionalization of a minority, totalitarian and undemocratic regime which systematically violates the citizen’s fundamental rights; Destruction of the nation and its economy by corruption and looting of its resources; Destabilizing security, contempt and arrogance, nepotism, incompetence, laxness and bellicosity.
Since CNDD-FDD conquest of power in 2005, the regime has intensified repression against opposition parties and the civil society, and all means are utilized to this end. This is done through: Arrests in violation of legal procedures; Torture and extra-judiciary executions; Targeted killings by the police including the National Intelligence Service behaving as political police. The ruling regime also has total control of the judiciary system. More dangerously, the CNDD-FDD party’s youth wing “Imbonerakure” act as militia and are an actual terrorist organization supported by the powers in a bid to systematically eliminate political opponents and human rights advocates. The latest reports by the UN Commission of Inquiry on the situation of human rights in Burundi and other internal organizations indicate that political crimes consistently increase due to the impunity enjoyed by perpetrators.
In effect, violations of the right to life and physical integrity are committed and observed daily. According to defenders of human rights, at least 600 people are killed in Burundi every year, and a bigger number of Burundians are arrested and tortured. More than 11,000 people are in prison and among those 4000 are political prisoners. Additionally, an overwhelming number of 500,000 Burundians fled to refugee camps in Tanzania, Rwanda, Uganda Congo, Zambia, Malawi, Zimbabwe, Kenya and other countries and continents and the majority of political leaders are in exile.
2.2. The socio-economic situation.
Burundi is characterized by a permanent and generalized corruption and misuse of public funds. According to reports, corruption and privatization of state enterprises and misappropriation of public funds have disastrous consequences on the life of the population. 60 percent of the people suffer from starvation and unemployment has hit hard on the youth. Burundi is among the five poorest countries in the world. Everything is attained by corruption including political positions, public employment, judiciary services or even participation in peacekeeping missions for soldiers in neighbouring countries. Minerals are exploited and illegally exported by the country’s dignitaries and no tax is paid to the state.
In its nature, corruption is one of the signs of a failed state governed by the rule of the jungle, absence of accountability in public affairs and public wealth management. There is injustice because the public wealth that belongs to everybody becomes the property of the oligarchy. Although political predators in power have ruined the country, Burundi still has chances for rescue and for a better. In fact, besides arable land and the abundant available water, Burundi has plenty of nickel, uranium, gold, cassiterite, iron, cobalt, oxides of rare earths, natural gas, petroleum, and other resources. In short, the socioeconomic situation in Burundi is characterized by a contradiction between the impoverishment of the popular masses and the concentration of more and more capital in the hands of the leading oligarchy that turned into a comprador and parasitic bourgeoisie.
2.3. The ongoing current crisis.
The crisis began with the third term of the late President Nkurunziza Pierre in 2015.In fact, the corruption, the locking of every space for political expression, the majority of the population becoming poorer and poorer on one side, and the wealth of the leading minority ended in revolting a population which had hoped to enjoy benefits from peace accords after a long civil war. The people hoped for change to take place after the end of the second term of Nkurunziza.
It is true that the third term was unconstitutional and contrary to the Arusha agreement but the consented sacrifices by the Burundian population namely its youth go beyond the defense of Arusha peace agreement and the constitution. It is the willingness to change and the keenness to put an end to assassinations, poverty, unemployment, starvation, corruption, ransoming, embezzlement and the arrogance of a minority of leaders that motivated the struggle against this regime.
It is difficult to imagine that the CNDD-FDD and its system will survive today’s crisis with people. The population cannot not revert to ancient ethnic antagonisms. It is undeniable that the system which will succeed the current one will have the duty of respecting the will of the people, improving people’s life standards and setting up a strong foundation for a true democracy. The big problem is that opposition is scattered and some opponents’ ambition is just removing the CNDD-FDD and replace them with no plans to restore peace, democracy and embark the country on the journey to prosperity.
There are among the opposition some liberal democrats and some can also be capable of manipulation and would like to do business as usual. However, a significant portion of opposition and the population in general, are democrat and progressives. Most of them are fully determined for positive change under the leadership CNDD party led by Comrade Leonard Nyangoma.
2.4. Burundi continues its descent into hell
Despite the accession to the presidential throne of Major General Ndayishimiye Evariste following the last electoral masquerade of May 20, 2020, Burundi has continued its descent into hell since 2005 at an accelerated rate. This electoral comedy characterized by violence and massive fraud revealed the unpopularity of the CNDD-FDD regime throughout the national territory.
This fascist party obtained less than 20 percent of the vote. That is no surprise because in his electoral campaign, General Ndayishimiye used to declare publicly and loudly that he will strictly follow his predecessor’s (Pierre Nkurunziza) footsteps. In his actions and practices, he appears more zealous than Nkurunziza. Having come to power without a political vision, Ndayishimiye gives empty speeches and makes demagogic promises just like Nkurunziza.
As a hobby, he tirelessly pursues his electoral campaign in Catholic churches every Sunday. Political space has remained inaccessible for opponents while human rights violations have increased. During the first 100 days of the Ndayishimiye regime , human rights organizations counted more than 300 assassinations and all the victims were murdered by agents of the government defense and security forces or by the ruling party's Imbonerakure militias.
3.Conclusion.
Confronted with various harmful situations, the people of Burundi do not allow any room for resignation and despair. Whether among political parties in general, and especially the CNDD, or within civil society organizations, Burundi people demand the end of political repression, mismanagement and corruption. Disappointed by persistence of insecurity, killings, extrajudicial executions, arbitrary arrests, continuous illegal detentions, corruption, the CNDD will not a standby and look on.
The party pursues its fight for restoration of democracy: a political system which is not limited to elections as long as they are democratic, but also that respects human rights, values dignity, justice and patriotism. It advocates for a form of people centered governance and leadership. The CNDD and parties engrained with values of democracy, justice and prosperity continue to urge the government in power in Gitega to sit around the peace talks table to discuss ways and means of finding a lasting solution to the catastrophic situation.
In response to our appeals, the government responded with the revival the illogical ethnic antagonisms of the past. This is an issue of great concern considering tragedies that undermined our country due to unresolved ethnic conflicts. As in the past, it is our duty as Burundians to find solutions to our own problems.